brandon
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My point was that one reason laws exist is to punish after the fact, as you stated. So saying it shouldn’t be illegal to own a nuclear weapon because there wouldn’t be a way to stop someone from building one in advance sort of negates one purpose of every law on the books.
If he wanted to construct them illegally [...]
[...] The right to self-defense is implicit in the right for citizens to own and carry weapons - otherwise, what purpose would they have? If they were meant to only be used within the context of a militia, then the right to the weapons would be constrained by that language, but it isn't.
Given this, I think it would be reasonable to argue that nuclear weapons (for instance) do not contribute to an individual's right to self-defense/defense of the person. If they are required for the defense of the state (for some reason), then the state should have permission to hold them unless it's agreed that they don't. [...]
Using your new example, drunk driving wouldn’t be illegal unless or until someone gets hurt or killed or property gets damaged. Because unless an accident occurs, theres really no problem, right?
[...] Otherwise, you're writing laws based on the perception of some future crime, or you're calling society a "victim" in an attempt to justify criminalizing what might be benign behaviors [...]
Using your new example, drunk driving wouldn’t be illegal unless or until someone gets hurt or killed or property gets damaged. Because unless an accident occurs, theres really no problem, right?
Yes, in fact I think I agree with that. I suppose I was imagining the person living alone was discovered to be in violation of the law, but I didn't say that and it would be just as reasonable to assume it would never be discovered in exactly the same way a "competent drunk" might not be detected on the road.I get what you are saying, but wouldn’t the person living alone who doesn’t safely store their firearm be essentially the same as the driver who is legally intoxicated but never causes an accident? Neither are likely to be charged with the crime.
Yeah, it's cool - I do the same thing and have to force myself not to go off half-cocked. I hope I didn't sound too harsh, I didn't mean it that way. I can be pretty blunt with my words. I appreciate your civil discussion.I am also pretty long winded and I have a habit of skimming over, so I missed your point about the nuclear weapons.
Suicide is tough, and I think everyone can agree that we should never have to bury our children. I know those parents will be blaming themselves for something so preventable.You are correct in that I do believe that restrictions on the 2nd are proper. I tend to think of gun violence as a public health crisis. IIRC, suicide is the leading cause of gun deaths in this country. The prevalence of guns makes it so easy to act impulsively.
I read a harrowing story of a really young boy, maybe 11 or 12, who took his own life with his father‘s revolver. His father had taught the boy about guns and felt that he knew enough to be safe, but kids are impulsive and reckless. His parents don’t know if he intended to kill himself or not, they had no warning. It happened while they were at home, the boy was alone with the gun only for a few minutes. One risk factor was that the boy’s grandfather had recently committed suicide by shooting himself. They don’t know if the boy thought the safety was on and was acting out or what happened. I just cannot imagine the pain they must be going through.
A less strawman-like topic
Nuclear weapons aren’t a straw man in this discussion.It's pretty well established that the 2nd has a duality to its nature - it preserves the right for weapons of personal protection and weapons of war for use in service to the defense of the state.
Nuclear weapons aren’t a straw man in this discussion.
You left out the third, and probably most salient reason the second amendment was originally established—to resist the tyranny of the state.
However, the only way countries have found to adequately defend themselves from a nuclear-armed country is by owning nuclear weapons themselves. Mutually-assured destruction is the only deterrent we have against a country intent on using nuclear weapons.
In your interpretation, the second amendment implies a right of self-defense. Yet, humanity has found no adequate self-defense against nuclear weapons than to own nuclear weapons yourself.
Therefore, if your interpretation of inherent self-defense implied in the second amendment is correct, and if the second amendment also implies that the state itself could be the aggressor, then the second amendment protects the right of citizens of a nuclear-armed state to own nuclear arms themselves as self-defense against the nuclear-armed state.
Yet, in reality, we restrict access to nuclear weapons. This suggests that your interpretation of the second amendment is inconsistent with actual application of the second amendment, and also returns to the table the argument that if nuclear weapons can be restricted, then other weapons can be restricted, as well.
I have a lot more to say, but I'll just distill it down to:
So, because an individual can't defend themselves against a nuclear weapon, the federal government has the power to restrict their magazine sizes? How is that not a strawman?
I think it boils down to the fact that the government has the authority to regulate arms, irrespective of the right to self-defense.
Also, an individual's right to self-defense is mostly a new angle on the 2nd amendment, that came with the Heller decision.
The text of the second amendment doesn't really have anything to do with an individual right to self-defense, that was an interpretation made by activist conservative judges.
I have a lot more to say, but I'll just distill it down to:
So, because an individual can't defend themselves against a nuclear weapon, the federal government has the power to restrict their magazine sizes?
How is that not a strawman?
I think it boils down to the fact that the government has the authority to regulate arms, irrespective of the right to self-defense.
I think that is factually incorrect. I addressed these points in another post, will you please review it and respond to that post?
It is the very definition of a strawman, and Sam's conclusions are based on the incorrect premise that Miller's Collective Right was the prevailing theory from the beginning and that Heller's Individual Right is entirely new.My argument is not a straw man. It directly applies to self-defense as an argument for a lack of weapons restrictions. It clearly demonstrates, as @samiam5211 pointed out, that the government has the right to regulate arms, and does, irrespective of the right to self-defense.
You showed me mental gymnastics. "One cannot defend themselves from a nuclear attack, therefore they have no right to self-defense". That is the beginning and end of this logical analysis.I showed you how the inability to defend oneself from nuclear-armed government tyranny without owning a nuclear weapon necessarily dictates that current legal limitations on weapons (such as nuclear, but could also potentially apply to an assortment of weapons) are not inherently tied to the right to self-defense. Ergo, self-defense is not a valid reasoning for denying restrictions on weapons.
You’ve done a lot more research than I have, for sure. Are accidental deaths by firearm actually a small number, I think you said vanishingly small? I didn’t have that impression.
More data is always good. Data that doesn't get recorded is lost forever.I would like to see new studies done on gun violence.
I see - point taken. I still wonder if the implement has any bearing on the violence we see, or if there are connections to them all that would help us fine tune a response.(Small point of distinction, I didn’t say guns are a public health crisis, I said gun violence is a public health crisis).
Smart gun technology has been researched for a long time, but has proven to be unreliable and easily bypassed. Perhaps one day it will be good enough. I would say that the first adopters should be police officers. If they feel comfortable enough with their reliability, then it's ready for citizens. I would be happy to adopt it then.I would like to see the same sorts of scrutiny applied to gun violence that we applied to automobile crashes and commercial plane crashes. It may be that a waiting period, mandatory gun education, some sort of storage requirements, secure trigger controls - the gun only becomes active when the person using it is the owner somehow. We can do that with our cell phones, maybe we should look into something like that for our guns. Stolen guns are often used to commit crimes, make them useless somehow.
I really blame the NRA for stymying gun safety for decades, and the Republican lawmakers who did the same. It’s no surprise to find out how corrupt NRA leadership actually was all this time. We have really botched this issue badly in this country.
I’ve been thinking about Japan. I’m not sure we should compare suicide rates with Japan without noting the cultural aspects of suicide in traditional Japanese culture. It introduces another variable to be sure.
I use the CDC data for this information because people trust the government. It looks like they changed the format of their reports for more recent years, so I just linked an older one from 2014 because I know where to find the information I'm looking for. The numbers are pretty similar in relation to each other in the other years I've looked at. I of course encourage you to look them up yourself if you're interested. Don't take my word for it.
Here's a screenshot from page 87:
In 2014, 461 people were accidentally shot to death. If you include Undetermined, the number could go as high as 736. The rate is somewhere between 0.1 and 0.2/100k people. 49 of those 461 were under the age of 15, so a rate of about 0.01/100k people (I don't see numbers for 15-18). That is vanishingly small.
While the absolute number of 461-736 seems high (as many as two per day or one per week for children!), compared to some other accidental deaths, it's basically nothing.
Fire/flame: 2,701-2,856
Drowning: 3,406-3,591
Falling: 31,959-32,020
We can see better resolution on the data if we separate by age (page 44):
I want to be very clear that I am not dismissing the tragedies that have occurred, I just would not characterize it as an epidemic. If one subscribes to the law of diminishing returns, they might suggest that focusing on preventing other accidental deaths might save more lives for less cost/effort.
If the number of accidental firearms deaths here is enough to spark a panic, it is absolutely dumbfounding why people are not as concerned about accidental falls, drowning, or poisoning...unless hyper exposure to this one method of death by the media makes it look like more of a crisis than it is.
Now, there is one other factor to consider here that I can think of - rather than expressing the rate for the entire population, perhaps the accidental discharge deaths could be viewed as a proportion of those with access to firearms. I don't know how we would measure that, exactly, but if we could it might be revealing. Maybe enough to change my mind about some things.
A few years ago I did try to normalize the rates to gun owning households in the U.S. and the U.K. and found the rate for the U.K. was higher than the U.S. for the years I looked at. Interesting information, but hardly useful except to maybe suggest that maybe there isn't much room for improvement. One of the obvious flaws is if the U.K. even has enough data to be considered a reliable indicator.
Ultimately, we are responsible for our own safety, especially when it comes to accidents. I can't control what other people choose to do in their homes, but I can mitigate risk in my own home.
More data is always good. Data that doesn't get recorded is lost forever.
I see - point taken. I still wonder if the implement has any bearing on the violence we see, or if there are connections to them all that would help us fine tune a response.
Smart gun technology has been researched for a long time, but has proven to be unreliable and easily bypassed. Perhaps one day it will be good enough. I would say that the first adopters should be police officers. If they feel comfortable enough with their reliability, then it's ready for citizens. I would be happy to adopt it then.
Absolutely agree - I even mentioned that when I brought them up, saying that I would consider comparing their suicide rate to ours is just as disingenuous as comparing their gun laws to ours. There are plenty of western nations that have comparable suicide rates to ours though, like France.
It is common in these discussions though, for people to compare our 'gun deaths' to those of the U.K. and Japan, compare our suicide rate to Germany or something, then cherry pick the best stats from the world in other areas to compare to the U.S. Never a holistic study.
"Japan has a very low murder rate, but their suicides are very high" is never something that is offered. Instead it might be something like, "Only 10 people were murdered in the U.K. in 2016 - compare that to 12k for the U.S.!" That is sort of indending to imply that Americans are murdered at a rate of 1,200x the rate as in the U.K., when the reality is only 4 or 5.
That’s not the conclusion."One cannot defend themselves from a nuclear attack, therefore they have no right to self-defense".
I'm honestly having a hard time reading it any other way, so I'm afraid I might be too biased now (I recall thinking differently when I was younger and more idealistic). Would you mind indulging me?
(ETA: I found this interesting paper that describes the "rise and demise" of the collective right interpretation of the 2nd Amendment. Of course, it plays to my biases, so if you have a competing paper you like, that would be an interesting read as well)
The debates over the ratification of the proposed Constitution begat the movement for an American bill of rights. The earliest proposals still regarded matters as a binary choice, and uniformly went with the individual right to arms rather than a militia clause. Thus the publicized report of the minority of the Pennsylvania ratifying convention called for:
[T]he people have a right to bear arms for the defense of themselves and their own state, or the United States, or the purpose of killing game; and no law shall be passed for disarming the people or any of them, unless for crimes committed, or real danger of public injury from individuals.
The next demand came in Massachusetts, where Samuel Adams unsuccessfully proposed a guarantee “that the said constitution be never construed to authorize Congress . . . to prevent the people of the United States, who are peaceable citizens, from keeping their own arms . . . .”51 When New Hampshire gave the Constitution the ninth vote necessary for ratification, it requested the guarantee that “Congress shall never disarm any Citizen unless such as are or have been in Actual Rebellion.”5
The Stevens dissent in Heller sees the Second Amendment as motivated by fears that the new national government might “disarm the state militias” (i.e., by failing to provide arms or mandate their purchase) thereby threatening “the sovereignty of the several States.”67 The dissent quotes George Mason in the Virginia ratifying convention, concerned that “Congress may neglect to provide for arming and disciplining the militia; and the state governments cannot do it, for Congress has the exclusive right to arm them.”68 Since the Virginia Convention ended with a call for a bill of rights that included an obvious ancestor of the Second Amendment (“the people have a right to keep and bear arms; that a well-regulated militia, composed of the body of the people trained to arms, is the proper, natural, and safe defence of a free state . . . .”),69 the dissent suggests that this proposal, and thus the Second Amendment, was meant to meet Mason’s desire to protect State rights to arm their militias.
A simple timeline shows, however, that Mason’s concerns did not underlie the Second Amendment ancestor, but rather a different proposal which was added to the Virginia demands after he gave the above speech, and which failed to be accepted by the First Congress. That different proposal read: “That each state respectively shall have the power to provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining its own militia, whensoever Congress shall omit or neglect to provide for the same . . . .”
Conclusion. In the Framing period, there is strong evidence of an intent to recognize an individual right to arms that is independent of militia service. This is borne out by the common law background, Madison’s reference to the English Bill of Rights, his original placement of the Second Amendment, Tench Coxe’s description of it, and the First Senate’s rejection of a proposal to allow States to arm their militias. There is also strong evidence of an intent to commemorate the importance of the militia system to freedom and security. There is, however, no evidence of any understanding that the right to arms was restricted to militia service.
In a world faced with attacks by Native Americans and by rival French, Spanish, and Dutch colonists, the militia concept was a practical one. It acquired intellectual underpinnings from the writings of the English Classical Republican authors, such as Roger Molesworth, James Harrington, and James Burgh.31 These argued that a universal militia was the only safe and effective defense of a free people: A professional army must either be too weak to defend a free people, or powerful enough to take over the government and private property. A militia composed of voters and property owners could be as powerful as desired, yet pose no risk to government or property, since its members were the very ones who controlled both.