GrandAdmiral
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Ugh... breaking news I DID NOT want to see.
ETA: Reported on CNN.
ETA: Reported on CNN.
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In line with that, I'm not saying definitively that she would put her Catholicism first as a theocrat, but things she has said and written make that a legitimate concern which makes her too questionable and risky to put on the court in my opinion.
She said what she said and she has ruled on too few cases for her rulings to carry enough weight to cancel out the things she has said and written through the years. It's too close a call and I think we should err on the side of caution which would be to not confirm her to the court.
I'm fully aware that my opinion has no influence at all over the outcome of her confirmation.
They don't have much to attack her on besides being too religious and adopting black kids from Haiti.
incorrect and this thread has included much more than this
I mentioned my concern for her views on healthcare, for example.
My guess it will be remotely held. Unless they recess, then the committee can meet. They haven’t recessed.I heard that but McConnel was “full steam ahead” on the SC confirmation hearings. Is this including those?
Yeah I imagine this is going to get interesting in the next few days:McConnell previously refused the notion of holding votes/conducting Senate business remotely. Of course, hypocrisy has not stopped him before. That said, many GOP Senators attended the Barrett event and it seems likely most of them contracted Covid. They might not even be physically able to conduct business in the next week or so regardless if they can work remotely.
Even though I don't fully agree with this standard, I respect your consistent application of that standard. It's the constant, convenient changing of standards that I have the most issues with.This is where I may differ from some on here. IMO, senators should not vote against a prospective justice based primarily on their perceived policy differences. Certainly each senator could have what they consider to be factors warranting disqualification, but I don't believe that policy positions should be one. The religion-above-the-law angle could reasonably be considered disqualifying, as well as character concerns, rejection of precedent or just fitness and suitability for the role. It is their consent to grant or withhold and they set their own standards. It is my belief, however, that justices should be confirmed unless there is a concrete reason for disqualification rather than concern over how they might rule on particular issues. For example, RBG was obviously qualified and there was no legitimate reason to disqualify her. If I had been a senator, I would have voted to confirm her, regardless of any reservations I may have had about her potential rulings on any matter. The fact that she was perceived to be (and later proved to be) left leaning should have had no bearing on her fitness for the role.
Every prospective justice should be judged by those standards IMO. Garland should have been given the opportunity to be judged by those standards and would likely have been confirmed. Someone like Gorsuch should have been confirmed by almost any measure. I am not as sure about Kavanaugh. As much as Barrett may give pause due to earlier comments, I believe senators should vote to confirm unless they believe her character, legal temperament (which could include the religion angle) or fitness to serve are enough of an issue to disqualify her. How they think she might vote on a case involving abortion, healthcare or any other policy issue of the day should not be relevant.
Even though I don't fully agree with this standard, I respect your consistent application of that standard. It's the constant, convenient changing of standards that I have the most issues with.
For me, the role and responsibility of a Supreme Court justice is to issue rulings, so I think a consideration on how they are likely to rule on specific matters that impact our lives is an inherent part of considering if they are qualified or not.
I understand and I'm really not trying to invalidate your thoughts on it, I'm just presenting mine.I understand why many think that way, but I couldn't disagree more. If the standard for determining whether a person is qualified is the way senators perceive a potential justice might rule, then there is no standard. There is only the philosophy of individual senators at a given point in time. People, even senators, evolve in their positions on particular issues, but I believe it is incumbent on judges and especially justices to not allow their personal viewpoint to skew their rulings in accordance with the law. While there may be good reason to believe that we know how Barrett, for example, might rule on a particular issue like abortion or the ACA, we don't really know. That is why senators have to probe during confirmation hearings to find out about a prospective justice's philosophy on upholding precedents, activism in judicial review, etc. That should reveal to senators whether that person is likely to allow their personal POV to override their duty in applying the law. In other words, we try to determine presidential and congressional candidates' views on specific matters that impact our lives to decide whether we want to vote for them or not. IMO, senators should only be determining whether a nominee is qualified or has a disqualifying characteristic, such as character, a deficiency of ability or a lack of devotion to the Constitution.
I understand and I'm really not trying to invalidate your thoughts on it, I'm just presenting mine.
Here's the thing for me, not everyone agrees on what character, ability and especially what devotion to the Constitution looks like. Even though we may think those are objective standards, they are subjective.
For instance, some think the individual mandate, a policy mandate of the ACA was unconstitutional, others think it was not. Even if Senators are sticking to devotion to the Constitution, then the question of how a justice would rule on the policy mandate is also a matter of what their devotion to the Constitution looks like.
How do you objectively measure a nominee's devotion to the Constitution without discussing how they would rule on ceratain policies? I'm not saying you ask them "will you rule against X party's policies." I'm talking about questions like how would you rule on an individual mandate, how would you rule on gun restrictions, how would you rule on social media platform restrictions, how would you rule on specific policies that impact voting rights, policies that impact immigrants, policies restricting campaign activities, and so on.
So change the language from "how would you rule on" to "what are your thoughts on." The thing is that even if the nominee doesn't speak in terms of "ruling," each and every Senator is going to make theor decisions based on how they think the nominee would generally rule on certain issues based on things the nominee does or doesn't say.Any nominee is likely to answer those questions the same way in that they will answer that they can't speculate on hypotheticals, because they need the specifics of a particular case before determining how they would rule. That is where the probing questions come in. Senators can listen to the nominee's responses and hear how that person approaches their consideration of cases. For the most part, nominees shouldn't be specific on how they would rule on particular issues or cases likely to come before them. They have to have an actual case before they would know and it would be improper for them to state how they would rule before arguments are made.
This is an illustration of the subjective nature of the whole process. Those in the legal profession seem to see the legal world as more objective than it actually is. Law is highly subjective, otherwise there wouldn't be so many conflicting interpretations of the laws and so many conflicting opinions about previous legal rulings.They can, however, speak about rulings that have already been made. Even though Barrett has expressed that she believes Roe v. Wade was wrongly decided, that POV is not disqualifying in and of itself. It would be unusual for an attorney not to have an opinion on a 50-year old major decision of the Court and there are many who feel that is was a poor decision, even among abortion proponents.
I saw that as being vague and evasive a giving no insight into how he would go about upholding the Constitution.
Notice how he says he doesn't have a public view on whether or not abortion should be legal. He doesn't say he doesn't have a privately held view and he doesn't say his privately held view won't sway his voting on cases.
He also smugly and dismissively laughs off the fact that under the original Constitution women had very few rights by fixating on the interviewers misstatement of having "no rights." He was his typically dismissive smug self and that display alone is one of the reasons I don't think he should have ever sat on the Supreme Court.
I saw Scalia as an arrogant ideologue. Some in the legal world didn't see him that way, while others did. Again, it's subjective.